21 Azer- Yirmibir Azer
Pişeveri (Pishevari, Pishavari), Azerbaycan Démoķrat Firqesi (ADF) ve Azerbaycan Milli Hökümeti (AMH) Görüt, Belge, Yazı ve Araşdırma Saxlancı


Monday, April 28, 2003  

دئموقرات فيرقه سى

م.ع.فرزانه ايله موصاحيبه
28-3-1380


گؤركملي بيلگين و خلق خاديمي اوستاد محمدعلي فرزانه ايله بير موصاحبه فورصتي قازانا بيلميشيك! اوستاد فرزانه آذربايجان ديلي، گيرامري و فولكلوري زمينه سينده يئنيلمز آراشديريجي و نظريه چي اولدوغو حالدا، گونئي آذربايجانين مساله لري وگونده ليك ايجتماعي- فرهنگي دوروموندا اللي ، آتميش ايل عرضينده صاحيب نظر سيمالاردان بيريدير. بيز قازانديغيميز فورصتدن فايدالانماقلا اوستادا بوگون گونده ليك مساله لر سيراسيندا اولان آذربايجان دئموكرات فيرقه سي نين يئني دن و بوگونكو شراييطه اويغون فعاليته باشلاماسي باره ده دييالوق آچاق :


وارليغين سسي :اوستاد فرزانه، سيزه سلاملار و سايغىلارلا، سيز قطعن بو سون واختلاردا باكيدا نشراولان 21 آذر درگيسيني گؤرموسونوز، بو درگي قوجامان مطبوعاتچي اسماعيل شمس جنابلاري نين باش يازارليغي آلتيندا چيخير. درگي ائحتيياطلا يئني دن فعاليته باشلاياجاق سياسي فيرقه نين جانلانماسينا ساري سويروشور. لوطفن بو خوصوصدا نظرينيزي آچيق بيان ائدينيز؟


اوستاد فرزانه :من اسماعيل شمس ايله 1322-1325 ايللريندن تانيشام، او اولدوقجا شريف و بيلگيلي بير اينساندير، اؤ 1325 ده بير چوخلاري ايله بيرليكده اوتايا گئچدي، لاكين تبليغاتچيليق ايشينده اوتايا قاچانلارين بير چوخوندان اوستون اولدوغو حالدا ، او اؤز يوردداشلارينا پاپيش تيكمكده غولام يحيانين خبرچين لرينه قاريشمادي، بير موعلليم و مودرريس كيمي ياشادي، اونيوئرسيته ده و آكادئمي ده حؤرمت قازاندي و خولاصه بو اللي نئچه ايلي چتينليك آمما باش اوجاليقلا گئچيردي، لاكين شمس چوخ قوجالميشدير و اوندا تشكيلاتي ايش آپارماغا طاقت يوخدو، شمس دن باشقا بير نئچه اونونلا ياشيد كيمسه لر ده وار، لاكين اونلار دا شمس كيمي قوجاليب و عصاسي اليندن دوشنلرديرلر، باشقالارينا گلينجه، اولابيلسين اونلارين آراسيندا سئچگين عاليم و ائله اوبايا قايغي بسله ينلر فيرقه نين ديرچلمه سينده مسئولييت داشييا بيلسينلر، لاكين بو دوعا ايجابت اولماقدان اوول، بونلاردان سوروشولماليدير، اساسن سيز 1325ده نه اوچون خالقي و اؤلكه ني بوراخيب قاچدينيز؟ اگر بو سورغو اونلاردان سوروشولماسا و اگر اونلار بو ضعف لري اوچون منطيقي دليللر تاپابيلمه سه لر خالق اونلارا ائعتيماد بسله مز. بوگونكو آذربايجان و اونون اينتيباه پروسئسي، 60 ايل بوندان اوولكي آذربايجانلا كؤكدن فرقله نير. اوندا سيد جعفر پيشه وري اون بئش نفر تاپيپ ايشين بير اوجونو اونلارا تاپشيرماقدا درين بوشلوق حس ائدير و حتتا بونو نؤوبتي ايجلاسلاردا تيكرار- تيكرار دئمكدن چكينمزدي، آمما ايندي وضعييت اؤزگه دورومدادير (( بو چرخ-ى فلك ترسينه دؤوران ائدير ايندي )) ايندي بير نسل، بو ديرچه ليشه و اؤز ميللي وارليغينا اينام بسله ين بير نسل، باشي اوجاليغي و ايناملا تام لياقت، آييقليق و اينانجلا مساله ني يئكونلاشديرير .

هئچ واخت ياديمدان چيخماز، بير گؤن حربي عالي مكتب طلبه لري باش فرمانده ليكدن ايسته ييرلر اونلارين نظري درسلرينه آذربايجان ديل و ادبيياتي، تاريخي، مشروطه اينقيلابي و آذربايجانين بو اينقيلابدا نقشي، ايراندا يئني بيليكلرين و دئموكرات دوشونجه- لرين تاريخي گليشمه سي و بو كيمي نظري درسلره يئر آچيلسين، فرمانده ليك اونلارا بئله جاواب وئرير، سيز دئديگينيز بيليكلري ايمكانسيزليق اوجوندان منيمسه يه بيلمه ميشيك، آمما، سيز گله جكده فيرقه ميزين آزاد شراييط ده فعالييتي سايه سينده اونلاري اؤيره نيب و اونو سيزدن سونرا گلن نسليميزه اؤيره ده جكسينيز . و بوگون تام ايناملا دئمك اولاركي بو نسل گوجلو منطيق، آزاد دوشونجه، تاريخي و مدني كيمليگينه اينانديغي حالدا، عرصه يه گلميش و ميللي- مدني وارليغي نين كئشيگينده دايانميشدير.

وارليغين سسي :درين مينتدارليقلا. ايندي اگر مومكونسه بوگون آذربايجاندا يارانان ميللي- فرهنگي اويانيش شراييطينده آذربايجان دئموكرات فيرقه سي نين بو يئني شراييط ده فعالييته باشلاماسي هارادان باشلاياسي٫ بو يئني شرايط ده نه كيمي ايستيرائتژي و تاكتيكلره سؤيكنمه سي باره ده ييغيجام دا اولسا بيزه گؤستريش وئرين؟


اوستاد فرزانه :ياخشي بيليرسينيز آذربايجان دئموكرات فيرقه سي دؤنن- بوگون صؤحبتي دگيل، آذربايجان دئموكرات فيرقه سي، خوصوصن بو سون60 ايلده، يعني بو فيرقه نين اؤلكه نين سيياسي - مدني حياتيندا، قودرتي الده ائدندن سونرا، بوتون مورتجيعلر و امپرياليستلر طرفيندن تؤهمت و ايفتيرالارا معروض قالدي و اونو چكينمه دن و اوتانجيلاريندان قيزارمادان و اساسن اوتانمادان، فيرقه نين بير پارا تلاشلارينا بارماق قويماقلا، اونو نه بيليم آذربايجاني ايراندان آييرماق، آذربايجاندا موسكو سوسياليزمي و كومونيزمي عونوان ائله مك كيمي ايتهاملار ياغديرماغا و اؤنون رئفورميست چؤهره سيني قارالاماغا جان آتديلار. وقتيله آذربايجاني ايكينجي دونيا موحاريبه سيندن سونرا ميللي- دئموكراتيك صولح كونفرانسيندا ان اينقلابي اؤلكه آدلانديرديقلاري حالدا، 1325- اينجي ايلين آذر آييندا آذربايجانين قان درياسينا چئوريلمه سينده و بير خلقين داها دوغرو دونيا باريشينين مئحرابيندا كسيلن بيرينجي قوربانيسي اولاندا هئچ كيم اوف دا دئمه دي ! . . لاكين تاريخ نه قدر عاديل و دادرس دير .آذربايجاني امپئريياليستلرين تؤوطئه سي ، دربارين و قوام السلطنه- نين موباشيرتي ، يئرلي فئوداللارين سيلاحا ساريلميش نؤكرلري و ساتغين غارتچي لومپنلرين اليله سئوال- سورغوسوز گوله لنن لرين قانلاري هدر گئتمدي و ناحق قانلار يئرده قالمادي . دئموكرات فيرقه سسي دونن بوگون صؤحبتي دئييل . بو فيرقه گونئي آذربايجاندا مشروطه اينقيلابي عرفه سينده مركز-ى غيبي و آذربايجان ايالتي انجومني نظارتييله قورولور . اونون تشكيل و اينقيلابي – دئمكراتيك فعالييت گؤسترمه سينده علي موسيو٫ حئيدرخان عمواوغلو و دواچي كيمي نظرييه چيلر و ستارخان ، باقيرخان ، حوسئين باغبان و اونلارلا خلقين ايچيندن يوكسله ن فدائي باشچيلاري و مشروطه نين يئنيلمز سردارلاري دورورلار .


وارليغين سسي :اوستاد فرزانه، سيز آذربايجان دئموكرات فيرقه سي نين بوگونكو يئني تاريخي شراييط ده ايشه قاتيلماسيندا بير چوخ واخت اونون بو مرحله ده ايستيراتئژي و تاكتيكلرينده يئني و گئچميش ايله فرقله نن جهتلره و بو جهتلرين هانسي يا هانسيلار اولدوغونا موختصر ده اولسا ،ايشاره ائده سينيز :


اوستادفرزانه :بو يئني شرايط و جهت لره موسللمن گؤز يومولماياجاق ، عياني نه دنلر واردير ، اونلاردان ان اصلي سي دونيادا ميللي و موثبت ناسيوناليستي حركتلرين انتئرناسيوناليستي حركتلري اوسته له مه سي و اونو كؤلگه لرده بوراخماسيدير . بيز بو ميللي اويانيشي بير چوخ اؤلكه لرده و اونونلا بيرليكده ايراندا دا گؤروروك . آذربايجان دئموكرات فيرقه سي اگر 1324-1325 ايللرينده ميللي- دئموكراتيك بير حركته قاتيلديسا دا، هله ايرانين مدني - ايجتيماعي حوقوقو و ميللي كيمليگي تحقير ائديلن خلقلردن، آذربايجان و كورد خلقي ايستيثنا، باشقالاريندا هله ليك لاييقي يئر آچماميشدي بونا گؤره ده، حركت آذربايجاندا و كوردوستاندا بئله بير دورومدان آسيلي اولاراق، بو ايكي خالقا ديوان توتماغي و بو اؤلكه لري آزادليق ايسته ينلرين قانيله سوواريلماسينا نتيجه لندي. لاكين ايندي ميللي – دئموكراتيك حركات بير چوخ توپلوملاردا و او جومله دن ايرانين چوخ خلقلي جاميعه سينده بير گؤنده ليك پروبلئمه چئوريلميشدير. باكيدا فخري قبريستانيندا پيشه وري نين بو قيزيل سؤزلري كيشي نين هئيكلي پاياسيندا حك اولموشدور (( بيزيم آذربايجاندا باشلاديغيميز نهضت چوخ چكمه دن ايرانين بوتون تاپدالانميش و مظلوم خلقلري آراسيندا سسلنه جكدير )) بو سؤزلرين عمله چئوريلمه سي ياريم قرن زمان آپاردي ، لاكين ايندي بو شعار اؤز دوزلوك و عيانيليگيني گؤستردي .

فرقه نين بوگونكو جيددي تاكتيكلريندن بيري بلكه ده بيرنجيسي ، بو عومومي اويانيشي دستكله مك و او اساسدا باشقا ايراندا ياشايان آزليقلارلا اورتاق يوللار آراماقا و بو ميللي- دئموكراتيك حركاتي بو آزليقلارين ان حياتي ايستكلرينه چئورمكدير. خلقلر اؤز ميللي وارليغلاريني ، اؤز رسم و رسوملاريني ، اؤز دوغما آنا ديللريني ، خلقي موسيقي لريني سئوير و اونون يوكسه ليشيني و رنگارنگ ليگيني طلب ائدير. خلقلر وئرديكلري وئرگيلرين نئجه و هارا خرجلنديگي نين حئساب كيتابينى بيلمك ايسته يير و جاميعه ده دئموكراتيك اينسان حقلريني عمله كئچيرمك٫ قلم آزادليغي، سؤز آزادليغي ، دوشونجه موباديله سي و باشقا حقلره پلاتفورم قورماق ايسته يير .او ميللتي شوعورلانماقدا بيرگه پروگراملاردا اؤنده اولماغي و جان يانديرماغي طلب ائدير. هر بير اينسانا دوردوغو يئرده حق قازانماق ، دوشونجه لرينه و اينانجلارينا حؤرمت بسله مك ، حؤكومت اورگانلاري نين سئچيلمه سينه جيددي ياناشماق ، جاميعه نين بيليك و موعاصير دونيا ايله آياقلاشماسيني آرتيرماق و بو كيمي تاكتيكلر چوخ ديققتله فيرقه طرفيندن منيمسه نيلمه ليدير . بو مساله لري بوندان داها چوخ ساناماق اولار لاكين فورصتين آزليغيندان هله ليك يئترليدير. آزادليق تاريخي- ميللي حاق- حوقوقلاري اؤز آردينجا گتيرير . . . يالنيز بونو دا قئيد ائتمك لازيمديركي بو گونكو قورتولوش چارپيشماسيندا دوغما ديل ، ميللي- دئموكراتيك فرهنگ و بير سؤز ايله بير كوتلوي سيلاح كيمي بيرينجي يئري توتور و سياسي و اجتماعي اويانيش بو فرهنگي اينقيلابين گؤزگوسو اولور. يومروق و اودلو سيلاحلاري خالق بير يئدكي سيلاح اولاراق ، داها باشقا چاره قالماديغي تقديرده ايشله ديلير . . .

دئموكرات فيرقه سي ، مشروطه حركاتي شيكسته اوغراديغي و بو شيكست اعتداليون اجتماعيون و اعتداليون انقلابيون بزك- دوزه كلري ايله اؤرتولدويو حالدا ، بيرينجي دونيا موحاريبه سي نين قورتارماسيله ميللي- دئمكراتيك سوييه ده ، فيرقه آزاديستان عونواني آلتيندا، روحاني شئيخ محمد خيياباني نين رهبرليگى ايله آذربايجاندا صحنه يه چيخير. حركاتيني بير سيرا مدني- فرهنگي رئفوملارلا باشلايان شئيخ ، تئهران و مركزي حؤكومتين فساد و ايرتيجانين ضيد-ى دئموكراتيك و ضيد-ى خلقي حركتلريندن بئزيكه رك ،اؤز ناطيق ليك و بيان قودرتيندن فايدالانماغلا خلقي آييتماغا و مدني - عئلمي دوشونجه يه چاغيرير .شئيخين ديالوگ قودرتي تئهران حؤكومتيني نيگران ائديب قورخويا سالير . تووطئه لر باشلايير و شئيخين ائعتيماد بسله ديگي مخبرالسلطنه آذربايجانا والي سئچيلير و تولكو آلدانيشلارلا شئيخي ايستيبداد گولله سينه هدف قويدورور . آذربايجاندا دئموكرات فيرقه سي نين سونراكي علني و بؤيوك ميقياسلي فعالييتي ، ايكينجي دونيا موحاربه سي نين قورتارديغي شراييط ده گؤركملي سوسيال دئموكرات سيد جعفر پيشه وري نين رهبرليگي ايله جانلانير . فيرقه اساس موراجيعت نامه سينده بو حركاتين شهيد خياباني نين باشلاديغي موباريزه نين دوامچي سي اولدوغونو قئيد ائدير . دئموكرات فيرقه سينين اساسنامه و مرامنامه سينده آذربايجانين بير سيرا چوخ اهمييتلي ميللي – مدني حاقلاري نين آياق آلتينا سالينماسيندان ، آذربايجان خلقي نين آنا ديلي، ميللي كيمليگي و وارليغي تحقير ائديلمه سيندن تئهران فاسيد دستگاهي نين ال اويونجاغينا چئويريلمه سيندن بحث آپاريلميش و بونلارين آرادان قالديرماسينا قطعي رئفورملارا يوللار دوشونولموشدور .


وارليغين سسي :اوستاد فرزانه سيزي چوخ يوردوق ، لاكين مساله نين اهمييتي بوگونكو شراييط ده گونئي آذربايجان و ايرانين آيري بؤلگه لرينده و هابئله خاريج اؤلكه لرده ياشايان آذربايجانليلارين سيزه توكنمز و درين ائحتيرام و ائعتيمادلاري وار و نئجه دئيرلر باشيزا آند ايچيرلر و آيدين حقيقتديركي فيرقه نين يئني دن جانلانماسي و حاضير حالدا ، يئني ميللي- دئمكراتيك گؤستريلره يئيه لنمكده سيزين بيليك و تجروبه لرينيزدن فايدالانماق و جاندان مايا قويماق آرزي سينداييق و بو سرحدلرين ايچينده و ديشينده اولان گؤجلرين ايسته ييدير!

اوستاد فرزانه :البتته ، بوتون بونلارلا بيرليكده و شراييطده فيرقه نين آديني ساخلاماق ، يا اونو تاريخه تاپشيرماق (سؤز يوخ كي اونو آراشدريب ، قووت و ضعف جهتلري منيمسه ديكدن سونرا ) و بوگون اينتيباه و آييقليق شراييطينده يارانان حركته يئني بير آد تاپماق ، بونلار هاميسي بو گونكو نسيلين حاققي و وظيفه سيدير. من اينانيرام ايندكي نسيل ، بير چوخ مساله لره يول آراديغي و جهت ياراتديغي كيمي ، بئله بير عونواني تاپماغي و تطبيق ائتمگي ده باجاراجاقدير. موغامدا اوخونان غزلدن چوخ ، اونو اوخويان ، ايجرا ائدن اساسدير .


سيز ائله بيل اؤنجه دن مطلب آچماق ايسته ييرديز. من آذربايجان دئموكرات فيرقه سيني و اونون ضعيف جنبه لري بير طرفده دورسون ، هر آذربايجانلي كيمي خلقيميزين درديني قانار و اودونا يانار بير اورگان كيمي تانيرام و اوندان قيراخدا هله بير آيري تشكيلات قورماغي يئرسيز و فايداسيز تشببوث سانيرام . بونونلا بئله، بو ايش اگر اوچ ايل بوندان اؤنجه ، يعني منيم ساليم اولدوغوم گونلرده مندن ايسته نيلسئيدي سؤز يوخ كي ، خلقيمدن ميننتدار دا وارايديم . لاكين ايندي ايكي كره اينفاركدان سونرا و گؤزلريمين ده ضعيف لنمه سيله ، بو ايشه بويون قويماغي آغير گؤرورم . البته بو هئچوقت اؤ دئمك دگيل كي ، فعالييتدن چكينيرم ، يوخ ! آمما ايندي شوكر آللاها او قدر بيلگين ، باجاريقلي ، دئموكرات دوشونجه لي و ميللي خصيصه لي جوانلاريميز واركي ، من اونلارا ان ياخين موشاوير و نئجه دئيه ر دولانباج يوللاري اوسته چيراغ اولانلاردانام ، بو گونه قدر ده بئله اولموشدور .


وارليغين سسي :اوستا د فرزانه سيزه اوزون عومور ، ساغليق و ساغلامليق آرزيلاييريق !


آمما ايجازه وئرين بو جانلي ديالوگو بيتيرمه دن سيزدن (( وارليغين سسي )) آديندان يئنيلمز خالقيميز و ايفتيخارلي يوردوموز آديندان ريجا ائده ك كي ، سيز خاطيره لرينيزي قلمه آلين ! سيزين قودرتلي حافظه نيز ، صراحت ، امانت و صداقتينيزه اينانيريق كي ، بو خاطيره لر بيزلره بوگونكو و صاباحكي ميللي دئموكراتيك حركاتيميزدا مانيفئست وظيفه سي داشيياجاق . سيزين بو محكه وورولموش سؤزوز ، خلقيميزي ايشيق ليغا چيخاريب و اونلاري عصيرلرين جيسمي و روحي يورغونلوغوندان قورتارسين !


اوستاد فرزانه : بلي ، او نئجه دئيه ر ، قويونون سويو اؤزوندن گرك ، ال ايله سو توكمك ايله قويونون سويو اولماز‌! خاطيره لره گلينجه گؤزوم اوسته ، اونلاري قلمه آلماغا چاليشاجاغام !


سون.



Read more! posted by <21 Azer> | 10:03 PM


Saturday, April 19, 2003  




روزنامه ميزين ديلى


سيد جعفر پيشه ورى


آذربايجان دئموقرات فيرقه سينين مركزى اورقانى
آذربايجان قزئتى٫ نؤمره ٢


١٢ شهريور٫ ١٣٢٤ هيجرى شمسى





روزنامه ميز آذربايجان ديلينه آرتيق اهمييت وئره جكدير. ديليميز دوشمنلرين بوش ايدديعالارينا باخماياراق چوخ گئنيش و غنى بير ديلدير. اونون ريشه سى خالقيميزين قانيندا و اوره يينده ده ير. بيز اونو آنا سودو ايله اميب وطنيميزين روحنواز هاواسى ايله تنففوس ائتميشيك. اونا تووهين ائده نلر٫ اونو تحميلى و مصنوعى گؤسته رمك ايستييه نلر بيزيم حقيقى دوشمنلريميزدير.


چوخ خائين و اجنبى عونصورلر ايله بو گؤزه ل ديلى اورتادان قالديرماغا چاليشميشلار. اونون ترققيسينه و ياشاماسينا مانئع اولماق مقصدى ايله مخصوصن ان غددار آزادليق دوشمنى اولان ريضاخان دؤولتى٫ وار قوووه سينى صرف ائتميشدير. بونونلا بئله او سارسيلماز و مؤحكم بير حالدا خالقين ايچريسينده باقى قاليب اؤز مقامينى ساخلاميش٫ بو واسيطه ايله مدنى و موترققى بير ديل اولدوغو ايثباته يئتيشميشدير.


آذربايجان ديلى دئيمى بير ديل دئييلدير. اونون بؤيوك خالق٫ گئنيش جماعت قوووه سى كيمى آرخاسى واردير. ديليميز خالقين ياراتديغى داستانلار٫ ضرب المثللر٫ حيكايه و ناغيللار واسيطه سى ايله دونيانين ان بؤيوك ديللرى ايله رقابت ائده بيلر. شاعيرلريميز٫ اديبلريميز بو ديل واسيطه سى ايله اؤز ائحساساتلارينى و اؤز هونر و صنعتلرينى ووجودا گتيريب خالقين نظرينى جلب ائده بيلرلر. بيزيم وظيفه ميز اونو گئنيشله نديرمك٫ اونو موعاصير حالا سالماق٫ اونون گؤزه لليكلرينى اينجه ليكلرينى حيسسيياتينى توز تورپاق آلتيندان چيخاريب و عالى بير ظرف ايچريسينده خالقا تقديم ائتمكدن عيبارتدير.


آذربايجان ديلى او قده ر قوووتلى و اونون صرف و نحو قايدالارى او قده ر مؤحكم و طبيعىدير كى٫ حتتا اونون ايچينه واريد ائديلميش فارس و عرب كلمه لرى ايخراج ائديلسه بئله٫ اونونلا بؤيوك فيكيرلرى٫ عالى مقصدلرى يازيب شرح وئرمك مومكوندور. لاكين بيز خالقين ايستئعدادينى نظرده توتوب بو ايشى ناگهانى بير صورتده گؤرمه يه ائحتيياج حيسس ائتميريك.


عقيده ميزه گؤره يازى گره ك خالقين دانيشديغى و آألاديغى بير شيوه ده ايدامه تاپسين. مقصديميز ادبى موسابيقه دئييل. خالقى باشا سالماق٫ اونا حقيقتى آشكار بير صورتده گؤسترمكدير. او جهتدن بيز خالق طرفيندن قبول ائديليب ايستئعمال اولونان عرب و فارس كلمه لرينين مووققتى اولسا بئله ساخلاماق لوزومونو اينكار ائتميريك. لاكين اونلارى اؤز ديليميزين قايدالارينا تطبيق ائديب آهنگينه اويغون بير حالا گتريمه لىييك.


دونيادا بير ديل تاپيلماز كى ٫ او تامامييله موستقيل اولسون و قونشو ديللرين تاثيرينه دوشمه سين. بيزيم آذربايجان ديلى ده آذربايجانين تاريخى و جوغرافى مؤوقئعينه گؤره اجنبى ديللرين تاثيريندن كناردا قالماميشدير. ايستر ايسته مز بير چوخ بيگانه كلمه لر خالقيميزين آغزينا دوشموش٫ مورور-ى زامان ايله ميللىلشميشدير. بيز ديلين تكامولونو نظرده توتوب او كلمه لردن ايستيفاده ائتمه يى لازيم بيليريك. لاكين بوندان سوء-ى ايستيفاده ائديب و يازينى غليظ لشديرمك٫ وحشى و معناسى آنلاشيلماز كلمه لرى حئسابا قاتماغا جيددن موخاليفت ائتمه لىييك.


آذربايجان يازيچيلارى قبول ائتديكلرى بير چتين و آغير وظيفه نى ايمان و عقيده ايله ايفا ائتمكله ديليميزين گؤزه ل لييينى و اونون ترققيسى و تكامولونو تامين ائده جكلرينه بيزيم جيددى ايمانيميز واردير.




RUZNAMEMİZİN DİLİ
S. C. Pişeveri


Azerbaycan Demoqrat Firqesi'inin Merkezi Orqanı
AZERBAYCAN qezeti, Nömre 2
14 Şehriver, 1324 Hicri Şemsi


Ruznamemiz Azerbaycan Dili'ne artıq ehemmiyyet verecekdir. Dilimiz düşmenlerin boş iddialarına baxmayaraq çox geniş ve qeni bir dildir. Onun rişesi xalqımızın qanında ve üreyindedir.


Biz onu ana südü ile emib vetenimizin ruhnevaz havası ile teneffüs etmişik. Ona tovhin edenler, onu tehmili ve mesno'i göstermek istiyenler bizim heqiqi düşmenlerimizdir.


Çox xayin ve ecnebi ünsürler qernler ile bu gözel dili ortadan qaldırmağa çalışmışlar. Onun tereqqisine ve yaşamasına mane' olmaq meqsediyle mexsusen en qeddar azadıq düşmeni olan Riza Xan dövleti, var quvvesini serf etmişdir. Bununla bele, o sarsılmaz ve möhkem bir halda xalqın içerisinde baqi qalıb öz meqamını saxlamış, bu vasite ile medeni ve mütereqqi bir dil olduğu isbate yetişmişdir.


Azerbaycan Dili deymi bir dil deyildir. Onun böyük xalq, geniş cemaet quvvesi kimi, arxası vardır. Dilimiz xalqın yaratdığı dastanlar, zerb-i l-meseller, hikaye ve neğiller vasitesiyle dünyanın en böyük dilleri ile reqabet edebiler. Şairlerimiz, ediblerimiz bu dil vasitesi ile öz ehsasatlarını ve öz hüner ve senetlerini vucuda getirib xalqın nezerini celb edebilerler.


Bizim vezifemiz onu genişlendirmek, onu muasir hala salmaq, onun gözelliklerini inceliklerini hissiyatını toz torpaq arasından çıxarıb ve ali bir zerf içerisinde xalqa teqdim etmekden ibaretdir.


Azerbaycan Dili o qeder quvvetli ve onun serf ve nehv qaydaları o qeder möhkem ve tebiidir ki, hetta onun içine varid edilmiş Fars ve Ereb kelemeleri ixrac edilse bele onunla böyük fikirleri, ali meqsedleri yazıb şerh vermek mümkündür. Lakin biz xalqın este'dadını nezerde tutub bu işi nagehani bir suretde görmeye ehtiyac hiss etmirik.


Eqidemize göre yazı gerek xalqın danışdığı ve anladığı bir şivede idame tapsın. Meqsedimiz edebi musabiqe deyil. Xalqı başa salmaq, ona heqiqeti aşkar bir suretde göstermekdir. O cehetden biz xalq terefinden qebul edilib este'mal olunan Ereb ve Fars kelemelerinin muveqqeti olsa bele saxlamaq luzumunu inkar etmirik. Lakin onları öz dilimizin qaydlarına tetbiq edib ahengine uyqun bir hala getirmeliyik.


Dünyada bir dil tapılmaz ki, o tamamiyle müsteqil olsun ve qonşu dillerin te'sirine düşmesin. Bizim Azerbaycan Dili de Azerbaycan'ın tarixi ve coğrafi mövqeyine göre ecnebi dillerin te'sirinden kenarda qalmamışdır. İster-istemez bir çox bigane kelemeler xalqımızın ağzına düşmüş, murur-i zaman ile millileşmişdir. Biz dilin tekamulunu nezerde tutub o kelemelerden istifade etmeyi lazim bilirik. Lakin bundan su-i istifade edib dil ve yazını qelizleşdirmek, vehşi ve me'nası anlaşılmaz kelemeleri hesaba qatmağa cidden muxalifet etmeliyik.


Azerbaycan yazıçıları qebul etdikleri bir çetin ve ağır vezifeni iman ve eqide ile ifa etmekle dilimizin gözelliyini ve onun tereqqi ve tekamulunu te'min edeceklerine bizim ciddi imanımız vardır.


Read more! posted by <21 Azer> | 9:38 AM


Friday, April 18, 2003  


درج مقالات و نوشته ها در 21- آذر لزوما به معنى تاييد ديدگاههاى مطرح شده در آنها نمىباشد.
عكس هاى بكاربرده در مقالات عموما از سوى وبلاگ 21 آذر انتخاب و افزوده مىشوند.



SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITIONS BEFORE 1945 IN AZERBAIJAN

by
D. Araz



"Even if somebody is trying to take you to Heaven
you should go with open eyes"


In Azerbaijan, the Turkish language was banned from schools and government offices. Since the Turkish language press shared the same fate, there were no Turkish newspaper or magazines published. Students were forced to speak in Persian at schools, in the face of using their mother language they were fined and whipped by their teachers or principles.


The government-sponsored propaganda portrayed Turks as barbarians. Turks who wanted to climb up in state hierarchy had to deny their ethnic background. In order to assimilate the Turks into Persian culture Tehran was discouraging deliberately investments in Azerbaijan by making it hard to obtain permission to set up any fundamental industry there. Even in the case of obtaining permission, the cooperation of banking system could not be expected. As a result, thousands of people had to leave their homeland and settle in Persian cities to make a living.


The economy was chaotic "In contrast to the majority of people who lived in abject poverty, there was a relatively small class of rich landowners and merchants" (Fatemi.p.79). The people suffered from enormous difficulties in obtaining their essential needs such as bread. In comparison to the other regions the cost of living was much higher in Azerbaijan. The discrimination reached a point where people in Azerbaijan started putting questions such as, " While the sugar ratio in the capital is 1.5 kilos per month, why is the ration for Azerbaijanis no more than 400 grams, and that is not per month but rather, per season?" ( Atabaki. p. 86) . The political bureaucracy was corrupt and the gendarmmery was nothing more than an instrument in the hands of landowners to suppress the peasants. The appointed officials from Tehran were more worried about their pockets than solving peoples problems " Officials from the south find Tebriz and Reza'iyeh (Urmu) nothing more than dull villages", where they can make money and get back to Tehran, or anywhere down south". ( Atabaki. p. 86). The workers had no rights. Not a single organization was allowed to defend their rights. Unions were outlawed. There was no freedom of speech; the press, and radio were controlled by the central government. "Azerbaijan was a microcosm of conditions existing in Iran" (Fatemi.p.79).

People who know the fundamentals of revolution would agree that the required subjective and objective conditions were ripe for a revolution in Azerbaijan. But most of the Persian scholars, and their western counterparts not taking into account the above situation, and lessening the importance of socio-economic factors when it comes to the question of Azerbaijan, have tried to label the revolution of the Azerbaijanis as a Soviet-sponsored intrigue. It is also interesting to note that the Persian Liberal minded scholars have a tendency to portrait or paint themselves as " INTERNATIONALISTS" when they are talking about other oppressed people around the world. However, when it comes to the question of Turks in so called Iran, they put away their quasi internationalist musk and display their despicable racist inclination. It can be seen in almost all of the so-called progressive Persian media's reaction during and after the formation of Azerbaijani Democratic Government. The following excerpt from the newspaper Iran-e Ma (Our Iran) is just an example:


In the view of our writers, it is perfectly obvious that the local language of Azerbaijan deserves respect. However, in our opinion the local language of Azerbaijan can definitely not be the national language of our Azerbaijani fellow countrymen because we do not consider the people of Azerbaijan to be a nation separate from our other fellow countrymen and ourselves ( Atabaki, p. 104)


The Autonomous Government of Azerbaijan (1945-1946)


"On September 3, 1945, the Azerbaijan Democratic Party (ADP) was founded in Tabriz. Two days later, the Azerbaijan Province Committee of the Iran Peoples Party (Tudeh) merged with it" (Nissman. D. P.33). Aware of Tehran's desire to crack down on the revolution in Tebriz, the Central Committee of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party called on the people to take up arms to defend their own government on November 9, 1945. Shortly thereafter, the party started setting up volunteer paramilitary units called "Fedayi". On November 23, 1945, its (ADP) Central Committee issued a proclamation defining its aim as the complete autonomy of Azerbaijan (Lencezowski, p. 288). On December 12 the Provincial National Assembly was formally inaugurated. It was composed of 101 deputies (Lencezowski, p. 289). On its first day of power, the National Parliament of Azerbaijan in Tebriz challenged the puppet government of the Shah in Tehran by declaring the Autonomous Government of Azerbaijan and designating a government under the "premiership" of Mir Cefer Pisheveri designed to safeguard the autonomy of Azerbaijan.


The government declared that it had no intention of breaking away from Iran. Unlike the Soviet Azerbaijan, it did not follow a massive nationalization program. Private property was respected. A people's army was formed from the local militia. Turkish became the official language of the state. The government also declared that it would distribute government-owned land among the peasants, as well as that of the reactionary landlords who collaborated with the enemy and fled the country. Universal suffrage was recognized. Within a short period of time, schools were set up, the first medical school was opened in Tebriz, the roads were repaired, and an eight-hour workday was introduced. Within one year, the democratic government of Azerbaijan had done more good for Azerbaijan than Riza Khan had done in the last 20 years of his reign.


The Azerbaijani crisis was the first to come before the Security Council on January 19, 1946. "Seyyed Hassan Taqizadeh, head of the Iranian delegation to the General Assembly and the Iranian Ambassador to England, was instructed by Hakimi to refer Iran's complaint to the Security Council "(Fatami, p.96). Tehran was concerned about Soviet political support for the autonomous government of Azerbaijan.


Tehran's inability to suppress Azerbaijan prompted it to start negotiations with Tebriz. It also used diplomatic and economic tools to achieve its goal of eradicating the government in Tebriz. As all dictators do in the time of weakness, Tehran partially gave in to the Azerbaijani's demands on June 1946 by signing a 15-point agreement, which recognized some of the Azerbaijani's demands. By appeasing Russia's demand of joint exploration of oil in the northern provinces and also pressuring them to evacuate their army through diplomatic means on the land which had the U.S.A and UK's support, finally the Soviet forces started withdrawing from Azerbaijan on March 24, 1946. The evacuation was completed by May 09, 1946. Aware of Russia's behind the scene negotiations with Tehran, the Pisheveri government started looking West of the border for help. "In an emergency meeting of the " National Parliament", the Prime Minister Pisheveri told the deputies there were three alternatives left for the government:


1) Becoming united with Turkiye;
2) Declaring independence if Turkiye was to help them become recognized by the foreign countries (this option was to be taken if the first one was thought of affecting Turkiye's diplomatic relations negatively);
3) Continuing their struggle within Iran directly if Turkiye refused the first two options.


Three emissaries were sent to Ankara to discuss the situation with the Prime Minister of Turkiye Ismet Inonu. After staying for three month in Ankara and giving all the military secrets of Azerbaijani army to Turkish officials not only they were denied a meeting with the Prime Minister but also they were sent back to Tehran where they subsequently were executed" ( Oren, Mehmet. p.122). Finally, Tehran having the U.S and UK's military help and getting green light from Moscow and Ankara attacked Azerbaijan from three sides. On December, 12,1946 the autonomous government succumbed. On their way Iranian army committed horrible crimes. The Turkish schoolbooks were set on on fire and according to some accounts more than 50.000 people were killed.


The West's approach


The West followed a hostile policy toward the Azerbaiajni government and used every possible means it could to destroy it. Western political scientists analyzing everything in the context of super power rivalry also have had a negative stand on the issue. Turning blind eye to the socio-political realities in Azerbaijan, western governments, media, political scientists, historians, had made groundless allegations about the Azerbaijan democratic government. Generally speaking, the following sorts of statements made by Mr. Geroge Lenczowski in his book " Russia And The West In Iran, 1918-1949" can been found in most writings of western scholars;


a) Democratic Party of Azerbaijan was nothing more than the Tudeh party under a different name. "In the meantime Tudeh (The Communist Party of Iran) assumed a new name in the Azerbaijan province. It became known as the Democratic party" (Lencezowski,p. 287).
b) The government was antidemocratic. In order to disqualify the party and turn public opinion against it, the western governments and the media tried to present the party as an antidemocratic organization. It can be seen by their stand on the elections to National Parliament that was held by the National Government;
"These elections were carried out in an atmosphere of terror and intimidation and in their own crude way followed Soviet patterns. The Democratic Party was the only one presenting candidate. No organized opposition existed. The nationalist press, even mail from other parts of Iran, was barred from entry into Azerbaijan or-in some cases-was burned outright by Soviets censors" (Lencezowski, p. 289).
c) The Democratic Party had no social basis and it was nothing more than a puppet in the hands of the Soviets. "The state was a police state. Most of the cabinet members were imported from Russia" (Lencezowski, p. 290). To justify his argument, Lencezowski tells the story of Colonel William T. Sexton, the American military attaché in Tehran who wanted to see the situation first hand, but was not given permission to enter Azerbaijan. "The Azerbaijani people's army or the partisans, fedailar, were infiltrated by hundreds of Soviet agents from the Caucasus and were largely composed of Armenians or those Iranian 'immigrants' Mohajirs, who in 1936 had returned to their native country from the Soviet Union" (Lencezowski, p.290).


As it is obvious from the above statements Mr. Lencezowski, like Western governments, is adamant to prove that the Autonomous Government had no national bases, people of Azerbaijan were not in favor of autonomy and it was just some Soviet agent and outsiders who were pushing for autonomy.


The Azerbaijani Government and The Kurds


At the beginning Azerbaijani Government was not in favor of an autonomous Kurdish state. As Bagirov the first Secretary of Communist Party of Azerbaijan, told the Kurdish delegation in Baku " There was no need he declared for the Kurds to hurry the formation of their own state (Eagleton,p.44). Bagirov thought the Kurdish aspiration could be achieved within Azerbaijani autonomy. But the Kurdish delegation rejected the idea and insisted on having their own state. The Baku government was aware of the fact that the British and Turks were not going to recognize a Kurdish state and beside that the Baku's long term plan was a unified Azerbaijan. Therefore, she was more sympathetic of her cousins in south of Araz River than the Kurds.


Finally, Kurds declared their own state on Jan, 22,1946 in the city of Soguqbulaq (Mahabad). There was a territorial dispute between Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, which was threatening both governments' existence. In order to solve the problems with Soviets initiatives, despite of Kurdish delegation discontent, the Treaty of Friendship and Alliance was signed On April 23, 1946 in Tebriz. Kurds support of Azerbaijan was a tactical one, they knew that the government in Tebriz had close ties to Baku, and also Baku had strong ties with Moscow in return. Therefore, by supporting Tebriz they wanted to have Moscow's military, economic and diplomatic aid in return.


Conclusion:


The achievements of the Azerbaijani government within one year of being in power have had an enormous impact on people's minds and helped them to become more conscious of their own distinct nationality. The faith of Azerbaijani government was decided by the big power rivalry and it was the first victim of the Cold War. Tehran without getting American, British, Russian, and Turkish help would not dare to attack Azerbaijan. The prime motivating force behind West's support of Shah's regime was economic. Ideological battle was nothing more than a mere reflection of struggle over natural resources.


The question now is: Which lessons can be drawn from the fall of the Autonomous Government? After four unsuccessful revolutions in the 20th century, Azerbaijan has to realize the fact that it is impossible she can achieve her goals within so called Iran. Advocates of Federalist system are trying to fool people one more time. It is absurd to have one part of the country as an independent Azerbaijan in the north and an autonomous Azerbaijan in the south. There is not an identical example in this world.


Pisheveri's mistake must not be repeated this time. Azerbaijan has to make it crystal clear from the beginning that: First, she is not in favor of Iran's territorial integrity and second she doesn't consider Iran as a sacred entity. Azerbaijan belongs to the people of Azerbaijan and those who are sitting in Tehran has no right to make a decision for us. Therefore, the maximum preparations must be made in order to become independent and form the "UNIFIED - AZERBAIAJN" within the first decade of 21st century. There should be no collaboration with Persian opposition groups at all and Azerbaijan shall not get involved or take side in fight that has been going on between different factions within the Persian government. Because, in the final analysis, they will all stand in her way toward independence as it was the case during one-year of autonomous government rule in Azerbaijan. Tebriz must pursue its own independent policy.


In her relations to the Kurds some points must be kept in mind:
a) The difference between the Kurds and Persians is just over religion. While Persians belong to the Sii sect of Islam, Kurds belong to the Sunni sect
b) Kurds, like Persians consider themselves as Arian
c) They don't have linguistic problem with Persians, they just speak a different dialect of Persian
d) Due to economic and social backwardness, the big Kurdish land lords still hold great power and their hatred of Turks is stronger than their hatred of Tehran. As it was the case in 1945 and 1946 they will be united with Tehran against Azerbaijan
e) They seem to guard the integrity of Iran at least for now
f) Tehran will be playing the Kurdish card against Azerbaijan, as it is doing now in Urmu and its surrounding area. Azerbaijan shall not let Tehran to turn Urmu into a second Qarabag


It can be deduced from the points above that the Kurds are not strategic allies. However, they can be tactical allies. Azerbaijan must always remind herself that as soon as Tehran moves towards even a small amount of cultural autonomy for the Kurds, they will turn their guns against her. In dealing with Turkiye Azerbaijan shall bear in mind that the Turkish nation and Northern Azerbaijan are her natural allies. To not repeat Pisheveri's mistake any intelligence exchange must be taken place with the nationalist forces in Turkiye, not the government, until the day she gains her independence. After becoming independent both the government and people of Turkiye would support her. In fact we should announce that there will be no border between Unified Azerbaijan and Turkish Republic and Azerbaijan will not hesitate to form a confederation with Turkiye. Shah Ismayil and Yavuz Sultan Selim's mistake shall not be repeated this time. From what has been said above nobody should come to the conclusion that our objective is to sow hatred among certain nationalities. The main purpose of this paper is to shed light to few points. As A. Shaylan said once "Even if somebody is trying to take you to the Heaven you should go with open eyes".


Bibliography


1) Atabaki.Touraj(1993), Azerbaijan Ethnicity and Autonomy in Twentieth -Century Iran. , British Academic
2) Bennett, Leroy. A.. (1995) International Organizations, New Jersey, Prentice Hall
3) Eagleton, William, Jr. (1963) The Kurdish Republic of 1946, Oxford University Press
4) Esgerzade, Eliriza. "Remembering Azerbaijani Democratic Republic". Qurtulush Magazine, 1997
5) Fatemi, Faramarz .S. (1960) The U.S.S.R In Iran, London, Thomas Yoseloff LTD.
6) Hajizadeh, Hikmet (Former Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Moscow), Azerbaijan The Way We are, The Wep Page: Virtual Azerbaijan
7) Kengerli Mehmet, (1998) The Treaty of Turkmanchay , 10.Feb. 1828, Azerbaycan Turk Kultur Dergisi (Azerbaijan Turk Cultural Magazine ), 319,18-27
8) Lenczowski, Geroge. (1949), Russia And The West In Iran, 1918-1949, Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press
9) Dr. Nesibli Nesib (Former Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Tehran), The Azerbaijan Question in Iran: A Crucial Issue For Iran's Future , The Wep Page: Virtual Azerbaijan
10) Oren , Mehmet Metin.(1980), Iran Turkleri Hurriyet Hareketleri ( The Liberation Movements of Turks of Iran), Ankara, Mars Matbaasi ( Mars publication)
11) Rustemkhanli, Sabir. ( 1989 ), Omur Kitabi ( The Book of Life ) , Baki , Azerbaijan Gencliq.


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Thursday, April 17, 2003  

THE AUTONOMOUS GOVERNMENT OF AZERBAIJAN

1945-1946

by
D. Araz



It is a well-known fact in the scholarly community that Greek scholars have
a tendency to connect every great thing in the world to something of their own. The goal is to make other people feel empty and valueless so that
they can fill their brains with all the great achievements of the Greeks.


Azerbaijan was divided between Qacar and Tsarist Russia by the treaties of Gulistan and Turkmancahy in 1813 and 1828 respectively. The Khanats of Northern Azerbaijan were de jure a part of Qacar dynasty but de facto independent. (Nesibli) (1). After the partition there was close contacts among people until 1930, when Stalin and Reza Shah (the father of the late Shah) decided to close the border. In the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990, the northern part of Azerbaijan became an independent state, while the southern part, which makes up three-quarters of Azerbaijan, is still struggling for basic rights.


Currently, South Azerbaijan consists of Qezvin, Zencan, Hemedan, Erdebil, Central (Arak), East Azerbaijan, the West Azerbaijan provinces, and the cities of Talish, Astara, and Enzelei in Gilan province. Lack of clear cut borders make it hard to give exact size of territory but it is estimated around 170.000sq.km. "The area of Northern Azerbaijan is 86,600 sq. km., depending on the Caspian Sea level changes" (2).


The Turkification of the Region


Most Persian scholars today follow the official history, written by the historians who were paid to write a glamorous, glowing history in praise of the Pahlavi dynasty and its Persian chauvinist ideology. Thus the court historians invented a 2500-year history for Persians. The existence of any other nationalities prior to the official history had to be either denied or despised.


So the presence of Turks in Azerbaijan before the 11th century was denied. According to the court historians and their western counterparts, the Turks came to the region after the Persians. Persians historians use every possible means to justify the settlement of Persians in Azerbaijan before the 11th century, even if it means sacrificing the truth for the sake of their egoism. "The Turkic language entered the region of Azerbaijan as a result of the great migration of Turks into Asia Minor in the eleventh century" (Atabaki, P.9). This is the sort of statement that can be found in any history book written by the Persians.


However, the underlying intention behind this non-scientific approach is to undermine the ideological basis of any attempt by Turkish nationalists in Iran to claim the right to self-determination. The logic is that "Iran" is synonymous with "the home of Persians." Other nationalities are considered as ethnic groups, and if they are not Persians, then what they are? Based on the above one-sided logic, they are guests and therefore have no right to self-determination: a guest can not ask the host to leave the house.


To discredit this chauvinistic interpretation of history of Azerbaijani Turks, scholars and researchers such as Professor Muhemmed Teqi Zehtab (historian) have done some remarkable work in recent times. By writing the History of Turks in Iran, Professor Zehtab has proved with solid scientific evidence that the Turks have been living in that area for more than 10,000 years. (Speaking at a festival entitled "1000 Years of Literature, Children, and 710 Years of Life", organized by Chichekler Group in Tehran, 1995).


Population

There are close to 50 million Azerbaijani Turks all around the world. Eight million of these are in North Azerbaijan, 1 million in Russia, 30 million in South Azerbaijan. It is difficult to determine the exact number of Azerbaijanis in Iran because there are no official statistics regarding Iran's ethnic structure. There are between 2 and 3 million in Iraq, mostly in Musul and Kirkuk, 3 million in Turkey mostly in Igdir, Kars and Istanbul provinces. There are some in Syria, a few hundred thousand in Georgia, some in Derbend (Dagistan), and there are more than 1 million scattered all around the world, having migrated from Southern Azerbaijan after the Islamic Revolution in 1978 and from Northern Azerbaijan after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.


Language


The language spoken is a form of Turkish that is very close to Anatolian Turkish.


Religion


More than 90% of Azerbaijanis are Moslem, predominantly belong to Shia sect. Islam has had two paradoxical impacts on Azerbaijan. Belonging to the Shia sect on the one hand helped the Safavid dynasty to build one of the greatest empires of the 16th century, and on the other hand it served to divide the Azerbaijani Turks from the rest of the Turkish world: the majority of Turks living in Turkey, Turkmenistan, Khazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgzstan, and Turkistan belong to the Sunni sect of Islam.


Beginning with the Otlukbel War (1-11 August 1473) and ending in the 19th century, with some interruptions, the two Turkish states, the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish dynasty of Azerbaijan, have fought a bloody war which led to the weakening and disintegration of both states in the end. The prime beneficiaries of this meaningless war were the European powers, Russia, and finally, in 1925, the Persian chauvinists. Since then, the Golden Bridge or National Path connecting Central Asia to Anatolia has been closed to the Anatolian Turks and as a result Turkey has suffered politically and economically, and continues to do so even today (Dr. kengerli.p.18)


The meaning of the word "Azerbaijan"


There are two schools of thought, which give two different interpretations for the word "Azerbaijan": (1) Scholars of Persian origin and Western scholars; (2) Scholars of Turkish origin. The first group includes Leftists, Rightist, Chauvinist, assimilated scholars of Turkish origin, such as Ahmad Kasravi and Dr. Arani (one of the pillars of Communist ideology in the 1920s), officials of both the Shah and Molla regimes, Greeks scholars, and Western scholars. They all agree on that the name "Azerbaijan" is derived from the name of a local commander, Atrupat, whose name means "Guardian of Fire" (Atabaki.p.7)


During the rule of the Pahlavi dynasty, there was an official policy of Persianization of Turks in Azerbaijan. In collaboration with some German social scientist, the regime tried to attach the Azerbaijani name, culture, and history to the so-called 2500 years of glorious Persian culture or to the Greeks. Any attempt to give any interpretation other than the official one is labeled "Pan-Turkist" or "Separatist" or attributed to foreign intrigue. It is a well-known fact in the scholarly community that Greek scholars have a tendency to connect every great thing in the world to something of their own. The goal is to make other people feel empty and valueless so that they can fill their brains with all the great achievements of the Greeks.


The second group is made up of scholars from both parts of Azerbaijan and from Turkey. Some of them think that the name is derived from Atrupat while others, such as Mohemmed Hosseyn ibn Khalaf Tabrizi, Mir Ali Seyidov believe that the word "Azerbaijan " has a Turkish root. Mir Ali Seyyidove breaks down the word Azerbaijan into its component parts: "Az", "er" ,"bai" and "jan". He thinks "Az" is a reference to one of the Turkish tribes. It also means good luck; "er" means gentleperson, human; "bai" means great; "jan" means soil, abundant soil. From this analysis he draws the conclusion that the word "Azerbaijan" means the land of great people of Az.


It is expected of scholars that they should be as objective as possible, but unfortunately almost all of the Persian scholars dealing with the question of the Turks are unable to achieve this kind of objectivity. Almost all of them have no knowledge of the Turkish language, which I think is a prerequisite for anyone who attempts to talk about the peoples of Turkish origin and culture.
::::::::::
(1) Dr. Nesib Nesibli (Former Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Tehran), The Azerbaijan Question in Iran: A Crucial Issue for Iran's Future
(2) Hikmet Hajizadeh (Former Ambassador of Azerbaijan to Moscow), Azerbaijan The Way We are.


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Wednesday, April 16, 2003  


SEYID JAFAR PISHAVARI [1] 1892-1947


S. J. Pishavari was the leader of 21 Azer Movement, the person who was established the Azerbaijan Democratic Party, at the same time the leader of national democratic movement. He was one of the famous persons of national movement; he spent all of his life for the purpose of happiness of his nation. All times Pishavari propagandize the people's freedom ideas, in capacity of a journalist he created lots of precious works.


S. J. Pishavari was bom in the poor family of Zeyva village of Khalkhal (Xalxal) region in 1892 and his initial education was spent in this village. At the end of XX century, the family of Pishavari as the peasants not tolerating to the robbery of despotic regime, the feudal regime and the pressure of imperialism was immigrated to Baku city with the purpose of looking for work place in 1905. He continued his education in Bulbule village and at the same time he was engaged with working. From 1913 to 1917 he was teacher in Khirdalan (Xirdalan) settlement. Owning to his profound reading he studied the social sciences and begun to engage to the political activity. His article were published in the newspaper "Achig Soz", published in Baku city. He engaged all times with the heavy living condition of Iran peoples and looking for the ways to freedom for the peoples living under despotic regime.


Since 1918 he commence to collaborate in the newspaper "Azerbaijan Juz-i layanfak-i Iran" and published the political articles, indicating the ways of struggle in order to cease the heavy living condition of Iran peoples. Pishavari was looking for more larger struggle ways. Therefore in 1919 he begun to work as a teacher in the school of "Ittihad" under "Adalat" Party. He created the close connection with N. Narimanov, Bahram Agazade and the other persons who were the leader of revolution in Baku. He was the editor in chief of the newspaper "Hurriyyat", organ of Central committee of "Adalat" Party. In the article s appeared in the pages of this newspaper he criticizes the colonial politics of imperialism and the shah regime and call the Iran peoples to the struggle against all negative events. In 1919-1920 he was the editor in chief of the newspaper "Hurriyyat" and was selected the Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Central Committee of "Adalat" Party. Pishavary left Baku for Iran in connection with the revolutionary movement started in Iran. He met with Kichik khan, the leader of the revolutionary movement in Gilan region. He was appointed the Minister of Foreign affairs of the Revolutionary sate in Gilan on June. Then he was elected the member and then the secretary on the ideological Affairs of the Central committee in the first congress, carried out in Anzali city on Jube, 1920. In 1921 Pishavary was the editor in chief of the newspaper "Hagigat", the organ of Iran Trade Union. He devoted all his consciously life to the struggle against the despotic regime in Iran. He published lots of articles in the newspapers edited in different cities of Iran. In 1922 the newspaper "Hagigat" was closed as a result of police oppression in Tehran city.


The police prosecution were strengthened owning to the post occupied by Reza shah, the publication of the newspapers met with lots of difficulties. This activity was lasted within 9 years in the heavy condition. In 1930 Pishavary was arrested and he was obliged to stay here within 11 years. Notwithstanding all forced tortures that he tolerated in the prison "Gasr-i Gajar" Pishavari proceeded with his revolutionary activity.


The commencement of the second World War resulted in the disintegration of Reza shah regime. On September in 1941 Reza shah, liberated from the prison came to Tehran. He took an active part in the establishment of Iran People's Party in 1941 and presented the first number of the newspaper "Ajir" to the community published on May 23, 1943. Pishavari criticizes Reza shah, the persons of government who were assisting Reza shah via the newspaper. Notwithstanding the that Pishavari was elected the deputy to 14th Council Forum of Azerbaijan in 1944 the Iran despotic regime refused his candidature. Pishavari was united 44 newspapers and created the "Front of Freedom". Pishavari tried to connect the revolutionary forces in the struggle against imperialism via these newspapers.The revolutionary movement all over the world was strengthened owning to the defeat of Fascism, the struggle of the peoples for Independence and Freedom was increased. In this condition the Azerbaijan Democratic Party which was able to direct all social layers was established on September 03 1945.


Pishavari, recognizing the revolutionary condition created in Azerbaijan was established the Azerbaijan Democratic Party. He could relate all industry layers and the national forces of Azerbaijan under a sole banner owning to his talent and large wold vision. Pishavari was elected the head of the Central committee in the first congress of Azerbaijan Democratic Party carried out on October 1945. The tactics of preparing of 21 Azer movement and the duties standing before Azerbaijan people were carried out under the leadership of Pishavary by mean of the newspaper "Azerbaijan", the organ of Azerbaijan Democratic Party. On December 12, 1945 Pishavari was appointed the Prime Minister of Azerbaijan National Government by decision of Azerbaijan National Forum, commencing its activity in accordance with the victory of 21 Azer Movement. Namely this government created all necessary conditions in order that Azerbaijanians could speak and to write in their mother language; so, this government was restored the autonomy of Azerbaijan within the territory of Iran. It provided of the carrying out of the classes in secondary schools with the mother tongue.


These democratic reforms realized in Azerbaijan scared not only the Iran despotic regime and the imperialism of England and America owning to rich resources of Iran Land. They strangled Azerbaijan National Government owning to united forces. One part of Azebaijan revolutionaries, immigrated since December, 1946 arrived to Soviet Azerbaijan. Pishavary personally assisted the placing of these persons in 34 districts of Azerbaijan. While he returning from Ganja city related to this matter, Pishavari met with a car accident and died near Yevlakh district.


In order to learn well the personality of Pishavari, understand his philosophical, social points of view it is necessary to address to his works published in the newspapers "Azerbaijan", "Azad Millet", "Yeni Sharg", edited in Tabriz city within 1945-1946, the newspaper "Ajir", published in Tehran in 1944, the works "Secret pages", "12 Shahrivar", published in Tabriz in 1946, the works published in immigration within 60 years: "21 Azers" and "Selected Works".


S. J. Pishavari is one of the great revolutionary, public figure, journalist of high intellectual level of Azerbaijan People.


MEMBERS OF AZERBAIJAN NATIONAL STATE

National Assembly of Azerbaijan has appointed Mr. Pishevari, the Head of Azerbaijan Democratic Organization to establish Azerbaijan National State in the meeting which took place yesterday morning. Mr. Pishevari submitted the following list of his Cabinet members to the National Assembly in the meeting which took place in the afternoon:


Prime Minister - S. C. Pishevari
Minister of Internal Affairs - Salamulla Javid
Minister of People's Army - Jafar Kaviyan
Minister of Agriculture - Doctor Mehtash
Minister of Education - Mahammed Biriya
Minister of Health - Gulamrza Ovrangi
Minister of Finance - Gulamreza Ilhami
Minister of Justice - Yusif Azima
Minister of Road, Post, Telegraph and Telephone - Mirza Rabi Kabirli
Minister of Trade and Economy - Reza Rasuli
Minister of Employment and Labor - the ministry will remain under the charge of the Prime Minister until a minister is appointed.


The assembly appointed Mr.Zeynalabdin Giyami as a Chairman of Supreme Court and Mr. Firidun Ibrahimi as a chief Prosecutor of Azerbaijan after the State membvers list was forwarded.


S.C.Pishevari forwarded a programme of his state to the National Assembly.
--------------------------------------------------------------
Book "Collection of documents", 1324-1325
[1]- Pishevari, Pishevary, Pisheveri, Pishevery, Pishavari, Pishavary, Pişeveri, Pişaveri, پيشه ورى٫ پيشه وري




Read more! posted by <21 Azer> | 3:58 AM


Tuesday, April 15, 2003  


نسل جوان و يادواره 21 آذر



در سال 1920 دولت بريتانيا توسط وزارت مستعمرات و سازمان اطلاعات آن كشور بر عليه احمدشاه قاجار كودتايى نظامى انجام داد. به دنبال كودتا رضاخان به اقتدار رسانيده شد و متعاقبا در سال 1925 با پايان دادن به سلسله قاجارها خود را شاه ايران اعلان نمود. (از اينرو برخى از سلطنت طلبان ترك ايرانى٫ با اين استدلال كه دولت شاهى قاجار از طرف دول بيگانه ساقط شده است٫ دولت پهلوى و دوام آنرا غاصب حاكميت ايران و غيرقانونى تلقى مىنمايند). با تاسيس دولت پهلوى و با پايان يافتن حكومت تركى در ايران و آغاز دوره جديد حاكميت فارسى در اين كشور٫ ايران كه قبلا مستعمره نيمه رسمى بريتانيا شمرده مىشد٫ تبديل به مستعمره تمام عيار اين دولت استعمارى گرديد. در سال 1930 زبان فارسى به عنوان تنها زبان رسمى ايران اعلام و در سال 1931 حزب كمونيست ايران كه اساسا از تركهاى آذرى تشكيل مىيافت غير قانونى اعلام شد. در سال 1934 دكتر تقى ارانى (با مليت ترك آذرى) به سمت صدر حزب كمونيست ايران آورده شد. در سال 1935 دولت فارس پهلوى آغاز به تغييردادن سيستماتيك اسامى غيرفارسى و تركى جغرافيايى و تاريخى در سراسر ايران نمود. در سال 1937 بخشهايى از مملكت محروسه سابق و ايالت آذربايجان كه هنوز از آن جدا نشده بودند به دو استان شرقى و غربى تجزيه شد. در همين سال اتحاد جماهير سوسياليستى شوروى تركهاى ايرانى مهاجر و ساكن در آن كشور را اخراج و به ايران عودت داد.


در سال 1941 جنوب ايران از طرف بريتانيا و شمال آن از طرف اتحاد جماهير شوروى اشغال گرديد. در همين سال حزب توده ايران به دبير كلى شاهزاده ترك آذرى سليمان ميرزا اسكندرى و پس از استشاره با مقامات اتحاد جماهير شوروى تاسيس شد. (سليمان ميرزا اسكندرى كه پرنسى از خاندان تركى قاجار بود٫ ليدر و عضو حزب دموكرات ايران (تاسيس شده از طرف سياستمدار ترك آذربايجانى ديگر تقى زاده)٫ موسس حزب سوسياليست٫ و نخستين دبيركل حزب توده ايران است. وى كه تا هنگام فوت در سال 1943 همچنان دبير كل حزب توده ايران بود٫ سمبل حركت كمونيستى و از پيشگامان جنبش سنديكايى و حركت ايجاد نظام لاييك در ايران است). در سال 1942 شورش اتحاديه طوائف تركهاى آذرى جنوب ايران قشقايىها٫ همراه با طوائف لر بوير احمدى با هجوم به قرارگاه فرماندهى نظامى در حوالى قلعه پر آغاز شد. درنتيجه حاكميت بيست ساله رضاخان و اجراى سياستهاى وى٫ آذربايجان اهميت اقتصادى ٫ تجارى سابق خويش را از دست داد و فعالترين قشر اقتصادى٫ فرهنگى و سياسى اين خطه٫ موج موج آذربايجان را به قصد مركز و پايتخت ترك نمودند. با مهاجرت اين اقشار آذربايجان كم كم مركزيت خود در امور سياسى و فرهنگى كشور را نيز از دست داد. در مقياس بزرگتر با اجراى سياست هاى آسيميلاسيون يكسانسازى و ترك ستيزانه دولت مركزى٫ همچنين بسط و گسترش دادن آگاهانه تمايلات و آموزش هاى مذهبى- دينى افراطى در آذربايجان از سوى دولت٫ تركهاى ايران و بويژه آذربايجان به لحاظ فرهنگى-اجتماعى نيز نخست دچار ايستايى و ركود و سپس با سرعت بسيار به پسرف آغاز نمودند.


اجرائات تبعيض آميز و به عمد دولت بر عليه آذربايجان و تركهاى ايران٫ در طول زمان به آفرينش حس ناخشنودى بسيار عميقى نسبت به دولت استعمارنشانده پهلوى در ميان توده ترك ايران و مخصوصا آذربايجان دامن زد. توام شدن اين نارضايتى همگانى و فزاينده و تمايلات روزافزون استقلال طلبى و مختاريت در ميان تركهاى آذربايجان٫ با گرايشات بسيار گسترده كمونيستى در تمام سطح آذربايجان٫ در دهات و شهرها٫ كه از ديرباز وجود داشت و با حمايت دولت اتحاد جماهير شوروى منجر به آفريده شدن حكومت ملى آذربايجان به سال 1945 گرديد. در سال 1944 سيد جعفر پيشه ورى به همراهى م. ا. شبسترى فرقه دمكرات آذربايجان- دوم را تاسيس (فرقه دمكرات آذربايجان- اول توسط شيخ محمد خيابانى به سالهاى جنگ جهانى اول تاسيس شده بود) و مانيفست 12 شهريور را منتشر نمود. در سال 1945 نيروهاى مسلح ترك ساختمانهاى دولت مركزى در شهر تبريز را اشغال نمودند. همزمان رئيس جمهور آذربايجان شوروى٫ باقيروف بر لزوم گذر ايران به سسيتم فدرالى تاكيد نمود. در 12 آراليق مجلس ملى آذربايجان٫ كه پيشتر از طريق رفراندوم همگانى در آذربايجان تاسيس شده بود٫ به رياست م. ا. شبسترى در تبريز گشايش يافت و در نخسيتن نشست خود٫ سيد جعفر پيشه ورى را به رياست حكومت ملى آذربايجان برگزيد. همچنين مجلس ملى آذربايجان٫ به انتخاب اعضاء حكومت ملى آذربايجان پرداخته٫ اين حكومت نيز به نوبه خود و به پشتيبانى اتحاد شوروى مختاريت آذربايجان را اعلام نمود. سيد جعفر پيشه ورى براى بار نخست در تاريخ ايران به صراحت و روشنى تمام اعلام نمود كه آذربايجان داراى تاريخ و بافت فرهنگى ويژه خود بوده و زبان تركى براى خلق آذربايجان داراى اهميتى حياتى است. وى تاكيد نمود كه براى نهادينه شدن و حاكميت دمكراسى در ايران اعطاى خودمختارى به آذربايجان پيش شرطى ضرورى است. در مراجعت مجلس ملى به سال 1945 خطاب به ايالات متحده٫ بريتانيا٫ اتحاد جماهير شوروى٫ فرانسه و چين چنين گفته مىشد: "خلق آذربايجان به عنوان خلقى صاحب مليت٫ زبان و آداب رسوم ويژه خود٫ مانند ديگر خلقها در چهارچوب تماميت ارضى ايران٫ داراى حق تعيين سرنوشت خويش مىباشد. خلق آذربايجان٫ كه خواهان جدايى از ايران نمىباشد٫ خواستار برقرار شدن نظام دمكراسى در ايران و دستيابى آذربايجان به دولت خودمختار آذربايجان است. براى ملت آذربايجان زبان تركى٫ كه زبان ملى و مادرى اوست٫ از اهميتى حياتى برخوردار است. اين زبان مىبايست به مثابه زبان رسمى دولتى و آموزشى بكار رود. "


همه تاريخ نگاران و مفسرين در اين امر متفق القولند كه اقدامات مترقى و اصلاحات دمكراتيكى كه حكومت خودمختار ملى در طول حاكميت يكساله خود در آذربايجان انجام داده است به مراتب بسيار بيشتر از مجموعه تمام آنهايى است كه در عرض بيست سال ديكتاتورى رضاخان در اين خطه انجام گرفته بود. اين حكومت ملى آذربايجان است كه براى نخستين بار در تاريخ ايران و شرق اسلامى-خاورميانه مفاهيم٫ اجرائات و نوآورىهايى مانند "خلق آذربايجان"٫ "حق تعيين سرنوشت خلقها"٫ "پيش شرط بودن سيستم فدرالى براى تاسيس نظام دمكراسى در ايران"٫" لزوم ارتقاء زبانهاى ملى به سطح زبان هاى رسمى نزد دولت"٫ "شناختن حق انتخاب كردن و انتخاب شدن براى زنان"٫ "اصلاحات ارضى"٫ "شناختن خودمختارى سياسى و فرهنگى براى خلقهايى مانند كرد و ارمنى و آسورى كه ساكن آذربايجان بودند"٫ "اصلاحات در زمينه كار" (كار روزانه هشت ساعته٫ بيمه كار...)٫ "اصلاحات اجتماعى مانند تاسيس دانشگاه تبريز٫ راديوى تبريز٫ اركستر فيلارمونى٫ يتيم خانه-پرورشگاه٫ خانه هاى بهداشت٫ بيمارستان ها٫ راهها...)" را وارد فرهنگ سياسى كشور نموده است. اين دولت در مدت بسيار كوتاهى موفق به ايجاد ارتش ملى آذربايجان (متشكل از بخش منتظم قزلباش و بخش چريكى فداييلر)٫ چاپ اسكناس ملى آذربايجان به زبان تركى و انتخاب سرود ملى و.... گرديده است. به واقع حكومت ملى آذربايجان دولتى است كه در ادامه سنت دولتمدارى تركهاى آذرى و در كمتر از بيست سال پس از ساقط شدن آخرين سلاله آذرى- قاجارها- بار ديگر در صحنه تاريخ پديدار شده است.


حكومت ملى آذربايجان مستظهر به پشتيبانى تمام اقشار خلق ترك آذربايجان و در اين ميان ناسيوناليستها٫ كمونيستها٫ روشنفكران٫ كارگران٫ روستائيان٫ روحانيون٫ طوائف و نيز گروههاى ملى ديگرى كه در آذربايجان ساكن بودند (مانند آسورى٫ ارمنى٫ كرد٫ يهودى٫ تالش و تات) بوده است. (ازطوائف ترك آذربايجانى بخشى از شاهسونها٫ ذوالفقارى ها و قشقايى ها همچنين گروههايى از بورژوازى٫ تجار بزرگ٫ نظاميان ارشد و كلان مالكان ترك و آذربايجانى در كنار حكومت مركزى فارس و بر عليه حكومت ملى آذربايجان موضع گرفته و براى ساقط نمودن اين دولت ملى اقدام نموده اند). پس از پايان جنگ جهانى دوم و آغاز جنگ سرد٫ ايالات متحده و بريتانيا بر امر تخليه آذربايجان از طرف اتحاد شوروى اصرار نمودند و پس از تهديد شدن اتحاد شوروى به كاربرد بمب اتم از طرف ترومان رئيس جمهور وقت ايالات متحده ٫ اين دولت مجبور به قطع نمودن پشتيبانى خود از حركات ايجاد شده در آذربايجان و يونان گرديد و متعاقب آن با حصول موافقتهايى پنهان و آشكار با ايالات متحده و دولت مركزى تهران٫ به حمايت خود از دولت خودمختار آذربايجان پايان داد.


در همان سال ارتش شاهنشاهى حكومت مركزى ايران٫ على رغم امضاء قراردادهايى با حكومت ملى آذربايجان كه بر اساس آنها اين حكومت خودمختار را به رسميت مىشناخت٫ به آذربايجان لشكركشى نموده و با سركوب حكومت ملى آذربايجان به حيات آن پايان داد. در اينجا به لحاظ حقوقى ازميان بردن تك طرفه حقوق مكتسبه اى كه بدنبال توافق دو طرفه حاصل شده است٫ آنهم جبرا وبا زور سلاح مطرح مىباشد. اين توافقها به نمايندگى از حكومت ملى آذربايجان از سوى پيشه ورى و به نمايندگى از دولت مركزى از طرف م. فيروز (به لحاظ مليت ترك آذرى است) و در تهران امضا شده بودند. به موجب قرارداد امضاء شده در تاريخ 13٫ هازيران1946٫ آذربايجان بازگشت دوباره به حاكميت دولت ايران را به شرط خودمختار باقى ماندن مىپذيرفت. (از همين رو و به سبب الغاء يكطرفه قراردادهاى متعهده بين حكومت ملى آذربايجان و حكومت مركزى تهران٫ برخى از روشنفكران و سياسيون آذرى تز تحت اشغال بودن آذربايجان از تاريخ 1346 توسط دولت تهران را مطرح مىنمايند.)دولت مركزى در سال 1946 حكومت خودمختار آذربايجان را با بىرحمى تمام سركوب نمود. بسيارى از اشخاصى كه به همكارى با اين حكومت كوتاه مدت تركى و كمونيست پرداخته بودند و شمارشان به رقمى بين 30000-50000 تن تخمين زده مىشود٫ يا در دادگاههاى نظامى محكوم و سپس تيرباران و به دار آويخته شده اند ويا در كوچه و خيابان لينچ شده و به قتل رسيده اند. بالغ بر 200000 تن به نقاط ديگر ايران تبعيد شده ٫ حدود 50000 تن نيز از مرزها گذشته و به اتحاد جماهير شوروى-جمهورى آذربايجان پناهنده شده اند.


پس از اشغال آذربايجان توسط ارتش شاهنشاهى كتابهاى تركى به آتش كشيده شده٫ مطبوعات و چاپخانه هاى تركى نابود٫ مجسمه هاى بزرگان ترك و آذربايجانى تخريب٫ زبان فارسى دوباره زبان رسمى دولت و زبان اجبارى آموزش در مدارس اعلام شد. خطه آذربايجان بار ديگر به كنترل ارتش و ملاكين بزرگ در آمده ٫ فساد ادارى٫ جهالت٫ خمودگى در پيش گرفته شد و به سياست فارس سازى زيربنايى و ترويج تمايلات مذهبى افراطى ميان تركان از سوى دولت مركزى با شتاب و دامنه گسترده ترى ادامه داده شد. در سطح منطقه اى و بين المللى تئوريهايى در مورد جدايى تركهاى ايران و آذربايجان ايران از سويى از آذربايجان شوروى و تركهاى آن ديار و تركيه ايجاد و تبليغ شد. در داخل سطح ايران نيز اقدامات و تدابير گسترده اى در جهت ايجاد بحران هويت بين تركهاى آذرى كشور انجام٫ جدايى تركهاى خراسان و جنوب ايران (قشقايىها و...) و آذربايجان تبليغ٫ حتى تلاشهاى بسيار گسترده اى براى ايجاد هويت قومى و گروهى متفاوتى براى هركدام از اين زيرگروههاى ترك آذرى انجام گرفت و در اين راستا تز آذرى و آريايى نمودن تركهاى آذربايجان نيز به آموزه رسمى دولت ايران تبديل شد. در مقياس محلى مملكت محروسه سده پيشين٫ آذربايجان در تقسيمات ادارى كشور بين 11 استان جديد تجزيه گرديد....سرنوشت سيد جعفر پيشه ورى- عضو كميته مركزى حزب عدالت٫ وزير كشور جمهورى شوروى گيلان٫ سكرتر كميته مركزى حزب كمونيست ايران٫ از موسسين حزب توده ايران و بانى دومين فرقه دمكرات آذربايجان٫ يكى از بزرگترين شخصيتهاى ترك آذربايجان در تاريخ و همرده نامدارانى مانند بابك خرمدين و شاه اسماعيل- نيز چندان متفاوت با خلق ترك آذربايجان نبود. وى پس از اشغال آذربايجان توسط ارتش شاهنشاهى و به فرماندهى افسران آمريكايى٫ به سال 1947 در اتحاد جماهير شوروى يعنى كشورى كه بدان پناه برده بود٫ به دستور استالين و توسط ك.گ.ب به قتل رسيد.


Read more! posted by <21 Azer> | 2:34 AM
Azərbaycan Milli HökümətiAzerbaycan Demoqrat Firqesi
21 Azer - 1945-1946 South Azerbaijan (Iran)
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